Malaysia’s Brics bid affirms, rather than abandons, its diplomatic values

Malaysia may have openly expressed reservations about the Aukus alliance – comprising Australia, the US and the UK – but it continues to strengthen defence ties with all three Aukus states, two of which are also FPDA members.

Malaysia’s history of hedging wasn’t always evident. Initially, the nation was established under the auspices of, and defended by, Western powers. The formation of Malaysia in 1963, which was brokered by the British, led to a conflict with Indonesia. Jakarta viewed the new nation as being a British puppet state.

Faced with this onslaught, Malaysia owed its precarious existence to the might of the Western powers. Malaysia survived, backed by the UK and aided by the US, which held an antagonistic view towards then Indonesian president Sukarno.

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But Malaysia’s foreign policy would soon undergo a profound transformation. Facing the American non-committal attitude under the Nixon Doctrine in 1969 and Britain’s decision to retreat from east of Suez, Malaysia’s leaders realised the country would need to defend its own interests in a changing global order.

Malaysia then shifted its approach. Resolving its conflict with Indonesia, it became part of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1970 and established diplomatic relations with Beijing in 1974. Despite these changes, Malaysia maintained strong relations with the United States and other Western powers, delicately balancing relations without causing disequilibrium.

Equally important to understanding Malaysia’s position regarding Brics is Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s political world view, as articulated in his magnum opus, The Asian Renaissance. While Malaysia’s foreign policy has always been shaped by its existential realities, Anwar’s political perspective has also significantly influenced its trajectory. Think of it as an opera: the piece by Puccini remains the same, but each director adds their own unique twist.

Originally published in 1996, Anwar’s view of the world in The Asian Renaissance envisioned an Asian alternative to the European model, emphasising a departure from the imitation of Western models of development and modernisation.

On February 22, a Malaysian shopkeeper displays bananas outside his storefront overlooked by the Petronas Twin Towers in Kuala Lumpur. Photo: EPA-EFE

Anwar argues that Asia must chart its own path without severing its ties with the past. Asian civilisations risk deterioration if they follow the same trajectory as the West, which often entails a loss of cultural identity. The Western-dominated global order needs restructuring to birth a truly pluralistic modus vivendi, a prescient message forecasting a multipolar future.

Two and a half decades later, Anwar became the prime minister of Malaysia. The global scene has long since changed. The unipolar moment that followed the fall of the Soviet Union is now gone. China sees itself more as a civilisation state than a socialist one, building on the thoughts of Confucius more than Mao Zedong. Similarly, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tapped into his Hindu heritage to guide his principles of governance.

However one views these developments, Anwar’s world view seems to be a prophetic and expedient tool for understanding Malaysia’s diplomacy. The Asian Renaissance is finally here.

Meanwhile, the cracks in the fault line between the West and the rest of the world have widened in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine. Chafed by Western pressure to isolate Russia, developing countries have questioned Western governments’ culpability in other conflicts. Why isolate Russia when those behind the invasion of Iraq by the coalition of the willing remain unpunished?

Demonstrators join a protest in solidarity with Palestine outside the Mandarin Oriental hotel in Kuala Lumpur where an American Independence Day dinner was held on June 10. Photo: EPA-EFE

While questions about Brics’ effectiveness persist, its role as a challenger to the Western-dominated world order is clear. Brics expanded on January 1 to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE. Aside from Iran, these countries are not anti-Western in their disposition, but are dissatisfied with the one-sidedness of post-Cold War unipolarity.

Economically, Anwar aims to reduce Malaysia’s dependence on the US dollar, a goal shared by other Brics members. Despite varying intentions within Brics, the momentum towards multipolarity is growing, and Malaysia is poised to capitalise on this shift.

Malaysia’s alignment with Brics is a logical extension of its long-standing policy of hedging. This strategy allows Malaysia to seize economic opportunities, enhance its geopolitical influence and help shape a multipolar global order. Overanalysing this move risks misunderstanding Malaysia’s intentions. There might be a new director, but it is still La Bohème that’s playing.

Syed Nizamuddin Bin Sayed Khassim is an administrative and diplomatic officer with the Malaysian government. This article reflects his personal views and is not a statement of the Malaysian government’s position

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